When discussing the nature of American dispute, Boorstin is right in implicating the unwavering dissenter as the obstacle to progress and democracy itself. However, he should recognize that in the real course of things, disagreements on social subjects can equally result in social change, and often equally on the heels of violence. In effect, it appears that neither technique is more effective, though the disagreer is typically more reasonable in their demands.
In this nation’s political history, we witness how the dissent of the southern states led to the creation of the Confederacy and an great destructive war, all due to a rift in ideology between the two reigons whose economies were so different.
Their secession, which was considered by loyalists to be utterly unpatriotic, became an unshakeable force that rapidly took a swath of the southern US from the Union. They were dissenters by definition; they were in disagreement as per the value of forced servitude and chose to demonstrate this by completely disenfranchising themselves from the other point of view. They did not engage in discussion; they abandoned the podium. And this is the distinctive difference between a dissenter who disbands and a disagreer who protests. However, in the aftermath of said bloody war, the 13th amendment was penned, the confederacy disbanded, and the frontier pushed westward. The south came out unsuccesful here, and many fewer in number.
FDR once said, years before Vietnam War Protests violently surged college campuses and urban areas, “To love your country is to improve it”. He was speaking of those who choose to disagree with a policy and talk about it, even if you talk loudly, or while holding pickets and marching. During the civil rights movement, thousands of blacks and whites convened in Birmingham to march peacefully against school segregation. They were in disagreement, and they acted to catalyze a discussion, both parties “count[ing] themselves in a majority”. The protest became violent, but the media coverage called politicians and other social groups to focus on the issue, and schools were desegregated soon after. Again, it is important to recognize here how both the Civil War and Civil Rights movement were characterized by violence–”a quarell”, as Boorstin might say–but the first was the product of an uncomprimising, “cancerous” dissenting party that truly spread its stubborn unrest malignantly through the rural south. The second was a case, much like that of Apartheid in South Africa, where the leaders declared “this [to be] a cause for which I’m prepared to die”. They entered the streets of Birmingham with their disagreements on posters in their hand, inviting a discussion. They recieved bullets instead, though the discussion came later.

